Former Members of Congress
W. David Baird Distinguished Lecture Series
Congress to Campus: The Value of Healthy Partisanship
Monday, January 22, 2024
5 PM | Tyler Campus Center, Fireside Room
This is a joint event with the Pepperdine School of Public Policy.
Speakers
Mimi Walters | Former member, US House of Representatives, Republican Party
Alan Lowenthal | Former member, US House of Representatives, Democratic Party
For more than 40 years, Congress to Campus, the flagship program of Former Members
of Congress (FMC), has provided college students with a unique civic education by
engaging them in honest dialogue with bipartisan teams of FMC, Congressional staff,
and American diplomats. These dialogues bring today’s issues to the forefront and
showcase the benefits of healthy partisanship and civility within disagreement.
Congress to Campus dialogues also provide students with unparalleled insight into careers in public service, including how to run for political office, managing work/life balance on Capitol Hill, and the thrill of debating legislation on the House or Senate floor. Program participants consistently say these sessions gave them a newfound appreciation for the dignity and excitement of public service.
Audio Lecture
January 22, 2024
00;03;28;05 - 00;03;56;13
Speaker 1
We're going to go ahead and get started. My name is Lee Katz I serve as the interim
dean of Seaver College. Welcome to the W. David Baird lecture series. David Baird
was Dean of Seaver College for ten years, was a mentor of mine. He was a renowned
scholar and historian, and it was his dream to start this lecture series. And he did
in 2002 - Dean Baird
00;03;56;13 - 00;04;26;28
Speaker 1
And his wife, Jane are now retired and live in Texas. His idea was to bring in leaders
and policymakers to the university on a regular basis so that students and faculty
could interact and think about these big ideas with our guests like we have with us
today. So thank you for being here. It's co-sponsored by the School of Public Policy
this afternoon and with details about the rest of the event.
00;04;26;29 - 00;05;18;00
Speaker 1
I’m going to throw it to my friend and colleague, the dean of the School of Public
Policy, Dean Peterson, Thank you very much. Dean Katz. I am Pete Petersen, the very
grateful dean of Pepperdine's graduate school of Public Policy, and it's a delight
to partner with you in co-hosting this event. I should also mention that there's a
third partner in this as well, an organization called former Members of Congress,
which, as the name connotes, is a group of former members of Congress, student based
in Washington, D.C. And it's an organization that we did, has a particular program
called Congress the Campus, which is a way of connecting congressmen with the campus.
00;05;18;02 - 00;06;05;05
Speaker 1
And that's what tonight's op ed is about. We have a delightful time with our two representatives
today, and I know you will as well, introducing that we will be joined by first Alan
Rosenthal. He is a long time leader from the local government. He was former city
council member and Laguna in Long Beach, then went out through the state Senate, state
Assembly and was a ten year had a ten year tenure in Congress representing a district
that encompassed southern Los Angeles County and northern Orange County.
00;06;05;08 - 00;06;39;10
Speaker 1
Also here is maybe Walters, maybe also started her public service career as a city
council member. City council member and Laguna Niguel also represented that region
in both the state Assembly and state Senate. And then she went on to have a four year
tenure in the U.S. Congress representing that district. We have a Democrat and Republican
here. And as a school that is deeply committed to what we call viewpoint diversity.
00;06;39;13 - 00;07;07;28
Speaker 1
I know you're going to enjoy hearing both of their experiences. I know in being together
with both of them at dinner last night, there are some incredible stories, but also
some inspiring ones of people even across the aisle, people who serve together not
only in Washington, D.C., but in the state capitol in Sacramento, can get things done.
Moderating this conversation tonight will be our own Dr. Robert Kaufman.
00;07;08;00 - 00;07;36;23
Speaker 1
Dr. Kaufman teaches courses for us both in our class, but is a specialist in air and
national security. He is has 46 different degrees, including a Ph.D. from Columbia
and also degree from our Strauss Institute. So without further ado, I should just
note the agenda for tonight is we're going to begin with a moderating conversation
with Dr. Kaufman.
00;07;36;25 - 00;08;00;14
Speaker 1
Then we'll move into a Q&A with you all. So I hope you have some great questions for
these two incredible leaders. So now, without any further, please join me in welcoming
our speakers.
00;08;00;16 - 00;08;08;17
Speaker 2
The wow.
00;08;08;20 - 00;08;09;12
Speaker 3
We he.
00;08;09;15 - 00;08;50;17
Speaker 2
Welcome. Good evening and congressman. Both of you, thank you for being here. Let's
start with a nice, placid, non-controversial statement. Congress is not a very popular
institution. If you look at the polls over the past 15 years, the approval rating
of Congress has hovered between 18 and 19%. That makes President Biden and Candidate
Trump on their worst days look wildly popular.
00;08;50;19 - 00;09;26;02
Speaker 2
Let me ask you the Marvin Gaye question, both of you. What's going on? Why is discontent
so high for so long about Congress, how it functions and how it operates? Well, now
the two of us are gone. It's going to be even worse, no doubt. It's no doubt. Maybe
we need a little humor. And part of it is there is there's a nation that's badly divided.
00;09;26;04 - 00;10;00;28
Speaker 2
Congress reflects that division. The members of Congress are reflect the districts
that they're coming from, that they come from. And and so that's one part of why I
think Congress is so thought of so it's a very complex world. I'm not trying to make
light of why it is. And being in Congress, it's like it's a tough act to follow.
00;10;00;29 - 00;10;28;17
Speaker 2
I mean, it's it's a tough job and you work all the time and recently and you don't
see many of the results of what you're doing. And so that's part of the problem, I
think, is the very nature of the beast and whether the beast really reflects the needs
of the country at this time. And so, you know, it's very hard to get things done in
Congress.
00;10;28;18 - 00;10;52;20
Speaker 2
It's it's a very divided country. So you're going to have a divided Congress. I think
that's in part the way or the people who designed the forefathers wanted it to be
that way because they wanted stability. They didn't want radical change in the Congress.
They did not want a government that that under one party, when it just moved from
one section, they didn't want it.
00;10;52;20 - 00;11;18;29
Speaker 2
Like the European countries where you lose a vote of confidence in the government
ends. I don't think that's really what was designed. So the Congress was not really
designed to move very rapidly. It was designed not to do that. And and I think today,
where there are so many needs and we are so divided and people say, well, Congress,
why aren't you solving it?
00;11;18;29 - 00;11;48;15
Speaker 2
And it's it's very hard when when actually the membership is so divided. So I'll leave
that up from now. I tend to talk for. Me, me, me, me. We've kind of answered this
a little bit, this question in other places. And so I'm going to you know, what it's
like when there's not a divided Congress. The party when one party has control of
the executive branch, then the House and the Senate.
00;11;48;15 - 00;11;52;23
Speaker 2
And when we have what we have today, a divided Congress.
00;11;52;26 - 00;12;25;05
Speaker 3
I just to add on to what Alan has said, is he I agree that the structure of our system
the Founding Fathers had created was designed not to have anything to radically done
too quickly. And it was designed to have more input and to slow things down. I also
believe that when one party has complete control, like when I was in Congress and
Donald Trump was elected, we the Republicans had control of the House and the Senate.
00;12;25;07 - 00;12;54;23
Speaker 3
When one party has control, it's your agenda and you're able to get a lot accomplished.
And so people might feel like things got accomplished, whether they like them or not.
But I also believe what really adds in to this narrative of a divided Congress is
the media, because behind the scenes, what you don't see are is legislation that is
passed on a bipartisan basis.
00;12;54;23 - 00;13;20;25
Speaker 3
But guess what? That doesn't make the news. The news isn't going to talk about how
great the Congress is doing and getting along and they're passing bipartisan bills.
The news needs to create a reason for people to watch it. So they're going to take
the controversial issues where Republicans and Democrats don't see eye to eye and
the media is going to try to make sure the public knows it.
00;13;20;27 - 00;13;50;13
Speaker 3
You look at social media, the fact that we have social media today makes it even that
more apparent that people are maybe not getting along because it's out there so much
more. Look at how much you guys are on your phones looking at X or Instagram or whatever
it is these days that you're following. Everybody is following social media and the
people that are getting the clicks are the ones that are are being saying outrageous
things.
00;13;50;16 - 00;14;05;15
Speaker 3
Republicans and Democrats are saying outrageous things so they can get clicks. I mean,
that really plays into a lot of this narrative. And if you didn't have the media pay
so much attention to it, I'm not sure that those results of your poll would be the
same.
00;14;05;17 - 00;14;37;16
Speaker 2
Is part of the issue also the way American politics has changed since the fifties
and sixties? So Brian Neuman is here, is a congressional scholar. And in the fifties
and sixties, people like Frank Soboroff and most of the elite in academics lamented
that we did not have programmatic parties like the Europeans did. You had conservatives,
Southern Democrats, liberal Northern Republicans.
00;14;37;18 - 00;15;30;21
Speaker 2
Well, we got what they wanted, and now we have almost a perfect storm of two very
programmatic, largely ideological parties, very few moderate Democrats, progressive
Republicans. I wrote a biography of the Scoop Jackson, Joe Lieberman, They don't exist.
The Clifford cases don't exist. Isn't part of what has happened. The fact that we
are a deeply divided and we're closely divided and actually the both of you this afternoon
at the School of Public Policy illustrated that in your discussion of energy policy,
you were silent.
00;15;30;23 - 00;16;00;22
Speaker 2
But I knew you didn't agree. Congressman Lowenthal said that energy was the existential
issue that we are facing. You don't think that. Do you? And to the contrary, you see
traditional geopolitical competitors as the existential issue, and your remedy for
the energy issue is market based and energy independence, correct?
00;16;00;25 - 00;16;27;14
Speaker 3
Absolutely. I think we have to be a country that is dependent, energy independent.
And what we can't do is depend on our adversaries because government's number one
job is to protect its citizens. And if you start relying on our adversaries for our
energy needs, they could take us down in a nanosecond. And I get very concerned about
cybersecurity.
00;16;27;17 - 00;16;55;25
Speaker 3
I get very concerned that that an adversary could come in and take down our grid.
And then what happens to us? We're done. And while global warming and the environment
is an important issue, and I think that that we all need to be very cognizant of our
environment. That's our responsibility. I also think that national security and energy
independence is much more important.
00;16;55;27 - 00;17;03;09
Speaker 2
So given that you two fundamentally disagree and you're not outliers.
00;17;03;11 - 00;17;13;00
Speaker 2
How do we deal with that in a constructive way and learn to disagree agreeably?
00;17;13;02 - 00;17;43;29
Speaker 2
Well, you know, sometimes you make it out as though we've never had really times of
critical disagreement in this country. We had a civil war in this country. We had
tremendous differences at that time. We've had open violence on the floor, historic
order of the House of Representatives. So this is not the fact that the country is
divided and the Congress is divided is not such an atypical period.
00;17;43;29 - 00;18;13;08
Speaker 2
And this has been long in coming. This is not something that just occurred in the
last, you know, few years in part. You know, we we both kind of struggle with that
issue of how we work together. Part of it is and I think I'm taking from what Mimi
said earlier and I said earlier, but mostly Mimi, you know, it used to be that members
came to Congress and they lived together and they spend all their time in Congress
and their families grew up.
00;18;13;08 - 00;18;41;17
Speaker 2
They knew each other. They went to the same schools, they went to the same community
meetings they met. And there was a sense of community. There is no longer a sense
of community in Congress. You get there and, you know, on a monday, you fly all day
from those of us from California, you're there. You're just in time to vote or have
meetings, and then you have your busy the whole time until Thursday or Friday.
00;18;41;24 - 00;19;01;19
Speaker 2
And as soon as session's over, you're on a plane home state because you're expected
to be in your district. That does not create a sense of community. But the community
that we live in, mine being Long Beach, Mimi's in Orange County, demands that you're
there on the weekends. They you know, you've got to be there. They want to see you.
00;19;01;21 - 00;19;23;05
Speaker 2
Things are, you know, so important to them and they are. And so where we are and with
the advent of the jet plane, they were important before, but there was no way that
people could get more, you know, at one time back and forth in a reasonable way. So
there are lots of reasons why, but we're not a sense of community.
00;19;23;05 - 00;19;45;29
Speaker 2
We don't have an overarching sense of values where we agree upon this country's values
and who we are and in the Congress this way. But that's the people of of this country
don't have that anymore. And I don't feel that they have this sense of, you know,
that they're one nation that we believe. You know, if you were either on my team or
the other team.
00;19;46;06 - 00;20;19;28
Speaker 2
And it's a frightening situation in that. But I don't find it just in Congress for
for students of Congressman Lowenthal was not speaking figuratively. And in the 1850s,
Preston Brooks of South Carolina literally beat Charles Sumner of Massachusetts into
a coma, which took him years to recover from. So you're absolutely right. Acrimony
is not something new in American politics.
00;20;20;01 - 00;20;33;19
Speaker 2
But on the other hand, the 1850s or so is a warning. What is your role? What is your
take on that, the polarization of Congress? Well.
00;20;33;21 - 00;21;15;00
Speaker 3
I think the problem, as Alan referred to, is that development of relationships. And
I think that it's a lot more difficult to say to somebody, face, I think you're a
jerk than to put it on social media. And the fact that members of Congress, there's
so much demand on them to be in their districts on the weekends and they can't be
back in Washington, D.C. They can't develop their relationships with their colleagues
on the other side of the aisle, I think is a disservice because if you get to know
somebody and you want to work with that person, you'll be able to find common ground.
00;21;15;02 - 00;21;41;23
Speaker 3
And you can't find common ground with somebody necessarily unless you have that opportunity,
opportunity to develop that relationship. My own personal experience, when I got to
Congress, I had 230 members in my own conference. I had to get to know that's 230,
and that was only the Republicans. And so by the time I get there, I'm even trying
to learn where the bathroom is.
00;21;41;24 - 00;22;03;05
Speaker 3
I mean, I'm trying to learn the process. And I didn't have a lot of time to develop
relationships with members on the other side of the aisle. And by the way, if you
look at the House, the Republicans sit on one side, the Democrats sit on the other
side. It's not like we're intermingled. When you're in committee, Republicans are
on one side, Democrats are on the other side.
00;22;03;11 - 00;22;25;25
Speaker 3
That's done by design. And the reason it's done that way is because when there's critical
legislation that the majority party wants to have passed, they want all of their members
of their conference to be together. They don't want the members of their conference
to be sitting with the other side. Now, people do go back and forth, but there's a
reason that the House is designed the way it is.
00;22;25;27 - 00;22;38;20
Speaker 3
But I think it's the that interpersonal relationship that is missing that they used
to have back in the day where people had an opportunity and there was time to be able
to negotiate on big issues.
00;22;38;22 - 00;22;57;13
Speaker 2
Both of you said that there are many instances that we don't see where Congress actually
does cooperate and it is bipartisan. Could both of you give me your recent success
story and your analysis of why it was a success?
00;22;57;16 - 00;23;32;06
Speaker 3
Well, I'll tell you, a piece of legislation that I carried with Zoe Lofgren, who was
a Democrat from the Bay Area. She was when I was in Congress, I said on the Judiciary
Committee, there was a woman who had a piece of legislation that had to do with sexual
the survivors of sexual assault. She wanted some legislation that was very it was
very common sense about, you know, you know, having the rape kit not expire over a
certain period of time, notifying the victim of sexual assault.
00;23;32;06 - 00;23;51;00
Speaker 3
It was very, you know, reasonable legislation. And she and I got together, we carried
the legislation, and it passed unanimously out of both the House and the Senate. You
guys didn't hear about that because it wasn't a big deal. It wasn't newsworthy.
00;23;51;03 - 00;24;19;07
Speaker 2
When I this is another small example. When I arrived in Congress, one of the first
things that we all did was have a class picture of all the new members. And I came
into was elected in 2012. We had a large number of new members, both Republicans and
Democrats, it turns out, and I'm a progressive Dem, I know I like listen to everybody
and I like to understand.
00;24;19;10 - 00;24;39;11
Speaker 2
I'm a psychologist, but I fall under the side of being a progressive Dem the person
standing next to me in the picture. We start to chat and get to know and it's Mark
Meadows, who is one of the founders of the Freedom Caucus. And so Mark starts to chat
with them. I chat with Mark. We develop a relationship.
00;24;39;13 - 00;25;04;29
Speaker 2
I say, Mark, I got, you know, Mark. He meets my wife, Debbie. I meet his wife. Mark
is going to be taking a trip with the Freedom Caucus. Mark invites me to go with the
Freedom Caucus on a trip because we had that opportunity. The first bill I introduced
didn't go anywhere because part it's very hard for new members, especially if you
have large issues to go anywhere right away.
00;25;04;29 - 00;25;34;13
Speaker 2
And Congress was a bill to really provide an ongoing revenue stream, a fee, you might
even call it a tax on the maritime industry. I represent the Port of Long Beach to
pay for an ongoing environmental and infrastructure improvements. Have the industry
itself pay for it. My first co-sponsor was somebody was Mark Meadows, who would never,
you know, normally vote for bills.
00;25;34;20 - 00;25;55;10
Speaker 2
That's because Mark and I. Two answers had developed a relationship, was just fortuitous
and part of it was going on a trip with Mark and his family and it just worked out
that way. And I always thought it was really interesting that the Freedom Caucus wanted
this lefty Jew to go to Israel with them. But that's all right.
00;25;55;13 - 00;26;26;11
Speaker 2
I really got to know them and I could call upon them for individual favors when I
needed and they could call upon me. And they did. And so we don't do enough of that.
We don't have those kinds of relationships that Mimi talked about enough. And goodness
knows, you know, Mark knew that I wanted to have some Republicans on this bill, and
he knew it wasn't going anywhere, but he knew that he wanted to help me on that.
00;26;26;13 - 00;26;57;02
Speaker 2
We don't have enough of people saying I want you know, I want this institution to
work. I want you to be successful. I want to see what how we can make this institution
work better. Let me propose an alternative. Sure. It is working that we are Maybe.
Maybe we're saying there's a lot of things that, you know, it is working by the partizanship
we are divided.
00;26;57;04 - 00;27;31;10
Speaker 2
We have fundamentally different points of view. One of the best talks I ever saw here
and there have been many good ones, was having lunch with the Justice Scalia. And
he didn't speak about his legal philosophy. He was talking about his parenting, giving
most of the credit to his wife. And he said that the key to raising eight children
successfully was learning how to fight within boundaries, within region above the
belt.
00;27;31;13 - 00;28;06;09
Speaker 2
But it is actually healthy that a divided country is fighting so vigorously for issues
that are so fundamental. Well, I think there's a difference between fighting vigorously
for what you believe and standing and having a vitriolic system where people are just
trying to be take down the other side and be angry at them. I think sometimes we cross
the line in Congress, both parties, and in being letting that anger spill out onto
the floor.
00;28;06;11 - 00;28;36;04
Speaker 2
And that's what we're talking about to disrupt, because once that spills out, it's
hard to put the genie back in the bottle once once that kind of attack, vitriol, anger
at the other side for just having positions, putting the other side down. And, you
know, I think and in part it's maybe and I think in part it has it you know, it doesn't
all did not work.
00;28;36;10 - 00;28;59;09
Speaker 2
It works. You know, you know, it's like journalism journalists have a and I'm now
making generalizations about journalism when they're working on a story when there
used to be newspapers, you know, when they're working on a story frequently they wait
until the last minute to get it done. And you never know when it's going to get done
if you you have interest on it.
00;28;59;12 - 00;29;23;12
Speaker 2
Well, the same thing Congress is very adept at getting things done at the last minute.
We are not closing down our government and keeping it going, which is the main responsibility
of government, because both sides ultimately will work together and form budgets.
It happens at the last minute. It happens when everybody is claiming and the newspapers
are claiming the world is ending.
00;29;23;14 - 00;29;50;04
Speaker 2
But those of us in Congress know it's going to happen. They're going to work together.
I to me, the hardest part is not so much there's that conflict in that. The hardest
part is the overt expression of dehumanizing and anger towards each other, where it
crosses the line. Not all people, just a few. Yeah, it puts up a tone that that is
very, very discouraging.
00;29;50;07 - 00;29;52;09
Speaker 2
Spoken like a psychologist.
00;29;52;12 - 00;30;13;06
Speaker 3
I was going to say, it's a good thing you're not Alexander Hamilton. Heather. Why?
Otherwise Aaron Burr might have shot you in a duel. That would have been really bad.
Yeah, but I mean, I think it's human nature. I mean, we are humans and we clearly
don't have a perfect system. There is no system out there that is perfect.
00;30;13;08 - 00;30;44;26
Speaker 3
But people lose their tempers and they get angry at each other just like, you know,
you have family, family fights. And I think it is healthy that we have differing opinions.
And by the way, most of the decisions, most of the really, really big decisions get
made in the middle. Both sides have to give. And that's just the way that our founding
fathers founded the system so that not one person's opinion is going to rule, that
you're going to have different viewpoints finally come together.
00;30;44;26 - 00;31;05;13
Speaker 3
Remember Ronald Reagan, one of his his best sayings was don't let the perfect be the
enemy of the good. There's a lot of good that comes out of some of this legislation,
but it's not going to be perfect. And you do have an element on the right and an element
on the left that are always going to say no.
00;31;05;13 - 00;31;23;04
Speaker 3
And they pretend that they're purists and they pretend that their districts want them
to be that way. But that's just them. They want to be purists and they're going to
continue to fight and they're never going to be in that middle and compromise. They're
just not going to.
00;31;23;06 - 00;32;03;19
Speaker 2
Winston Churchill remarked, among other things, that the United States has the worst
political system ever. But it's except except for anybody else. Yeah. So I'm going
to ask you about a series of reforms that have been proposed across the spectrum.
Some believe, actually, that that we should have more programmatic parties. Others
believe to the contrary, we should adhere to the founders vision of making things
difficult and encourage rational deliberation and choice.
00;32;03;21 - 00;32;08;27
Speaker 2
But I'm going to ask you whether the following makes things better or worse.
00;32;09;04 - 00;32;10;12
Speaker 3
Okay.
00;32;10;14 - 00;32;39;07
Speaker 2
Larry Sabato of the University of Virginia has suggested because of the pressures
on House members to raise money, the two year election cycles and the disconnect between
the House voting, at least in one of the cycles in a presidential election, to yield
a clearer mandate. How about four year terms for members of the House of Representatives
rather than two year terms?
00;32;39;09 - 00;32;47;11
Speaker 2
How many years? For years and years? Yes. To coincide with the presidential term.
00;32;47;14 - 00;33;05;24
Speaker 3
I don't agree. I think we need to keep two years because if there's something that
is really wrong in this country doesn't like something that they see and voters have
a chance to make a change in two years, I wouldn't change it.
00;33;05;26 - 00;33;12;21
Speaker 2
It's not my make my first priority of change. I want to hear you the rest of your
list. Okay.
00;33;12;24 - 00;33;14;04
Speaker 3
did I know too quickly that.
00;33;14;07 - 00;33;15;13
Speaker 2
No, I have other.
00;33;15;13 - 00;33;16;12
Speaker 3
Things.
00;33;16;14 - 00;33;19;24
Speaker 2
No, no, I was setting you up because there's a second question.
00;33;19;27 - 00;33;20;18
Speaker 3
okay.
00;33;20;20 - 00;33;22;12
Speaker 2
Assuming you don't want to change it.
00;33;22;13 - 00;33;24;23
Speaker 3
Yeah.
00;33;24;25 - 00;33;43;06
Speaker 2
Would you advocate changing the campaign finance laws? Because one of the complaint
is that congressmen spend 80% of their time or thereabouts raising money from the
moment they're elected. Is. Is. Yes.
00;33;43;12 - 00;33;44;21
Speaker 3
Okay. So.
00;33;44;23 - 00;34;15;24
Speaker 2
Yes. You would change it? Yes. How? And now that question will go to you, too. Well,
you know, the you know, there is there is no doubt that money drives the Congress.
It just it's you spend a lot of time raising money. You are somewhat you are beholden
to those people because you're going to go back, you know, once you raise money from
someone or some institution or some group, it's usually, you know, it's not the last
time you ask them.
00;34;15;24 - 00;34;47;26
Speaker 2
You go back and they there's an expectation that you're going to be more sensitive
and and and then you have tremendous demands on you in terms of each party expects
that their members will raise a great deal of money and give to the party coffers.
And so money dominates the whole thing and the situation. Too much time is spent raising
money, money people think that they have you know, they have they have a say over
you.
00;34;47;26 - 00;35;10;01
Speaker 2
And I'm sure they always think that. But. But I, I think that it's a corrupting influence.
And so I would favor and I work with John Sarbanes of Maryland. And Mike was introduced
is I think House resolution H.R. one I public financing.
00;35;10;03 - 00;35;29;29
Speaker 3
Okay. I don't support public financing. And I'm right now there's limits of what you
can and can't give to members of Congress. And you can't give corporate money. You
can only give personal money. And it's about 30 $300 right now to give for elections
of 3300 for the primary, 300 for the general. That takes a lot of money and a lot
of time to raise.
00;35;29;29 - 00;36;01;10
Speaker 3
But the fact is this is a huge industry. It's a huge industry. And what we can't do,
in my opinion, is have the taxpayers start financing this. Okay. You want you want
to taxes will be raised again. Now, suddenly we're going to start financing the taxpayers.
We're going to start financing people who are running for office. And by the way,
it hurts those people who aren't wealthy because there is no way that the Constitution
is going to say you can't give your money yourself money running for office.
00;36;01;10 - 00;36;15;29
Speaker 3
You will always be able to give your money, yourself money. So you're going to be
able to have a bigger advantage. So even though now you can still give yourself money,
if you have a lot of money, a person who might not have that much money can go out
and raise the money to compete with what you have.
00;36;16;01 - 00;36;39;20
Speaker 3
So you have to give the opportunity for people to go out and raise the money. They
they put limits on how much you could raise per person to to try to stop that special
interest. And whether that's right or that's wrong, that's for a different debate.
However, I don't think the taxpayers should be footing the bill for people to run
for office.
00;36;39;20 - 00;36;50;23
Speaker 3
I think that puts a huge burden on the American public. And we already have a huge
deficit. And I don't think that that's right.
00;36;50;25 - 00;36;52;00
Speaker 2
Congressman, if I.
00;36;52;01 - 00;36;58;03
Speaker 3
Feel like I'm in a debate here, I know that we're going to get aggro with each other.
00;36;58;05 - 00;37;25;09
Speaker 2
No, no, I think you make a lot of good points. I'm just for public money. Answer.
And on that point, your concern seems to be the nexus between money and and influence.
Is that correct? In large part, yes. And the amount of time that's spent on it, that's
not spent on on working on major issues. And so one spent a tremendous amount of time.
00;37;25;10 - 00;38;02;26
Speaker 2
So one alternative is public financing. Yes. We open to which which critics argue
favors the incumbent because challenger, according to many people, requires more money
to break in. Given the advantage of incumbency, another alternative, which is the
opposite of yours, is to abolish limits altogether. And make it automatically disclose
to the electorate who gives what to whom, and then let the electorate make the decision
as to whether the well, you disclose now.
00;38;02;26 - 00;38;06;01
Speaker 3
Yes, right. You have to disclose your your contributions now.
00;38;06;03 - 00;38;11;03
Speaker 2
Is that a better alternative? Just I, I open.
00;38;11;11 - 00;38;40;03
Speaker 3
I think in I think it I think if you make it open season, you're going to see the
cost even go higher. I would just favor keeping the limits where they are now because
they go up a little bit every year. I think that sort of helps level the playing field.
You know, there is no way we are going to bring the cost down of elections unless
you go to all these different industries that are profiting off of it.
00;38;40;03 - 00;39;06;02
Speaker 3
Your your campaign managers, the the media, you know, the commercials. You know, you
have to run commercials. You have to send your mail out all these vendors. Do you
think that we're going to talk to all these vendors? By the way, you can't spend a
certain amount of money on campaigns anymore. Never going to happen. It just it's
not it's just not going to happen.
00;39;06;02 - 00;39;27;28
Speaker 3
You'll kill an industry in in and that's it's just not going to happen. So I think
we have to be realistic and I think we have to understand what we're up against. And
this is the way politics is. And you have to spend a lot of money unless you can just
write yourself a big check. You have to spend a lot of time developing those relationships
and raising the money.
00;39;28;01 - 00;39;46;14
Speaker 3
It's and I tell this to two candidates who want to run. So many people think, I'm
just going to run for office. It's going to be great. It's going to be a piece of
cake. And the minute they have to pick up that phone and ask for a dollar from somebody
and they get rejected, they're like, this is it really what I thought this was going
to be all about?
00;39;46;16 - 00;39;59;21
Speaker 3
You take a lot of rejection and it helps you get a thick skin because you need to
have a thick skin if you ever want to run for office because it is brutal. It is not
an easy thing to do.
00;39;59;24 - 00;40;07;21
Speaker 2
Term limits. This should be an easy one for you, but it's not going to be as easy
as you think because there's a follow on.
00;40;07;24 - 00;40;12;13
Speaker 3
So, Alan, you go first on this one.
00;40;12;15 - 00;40;44;08
Speaker 2
well, that's a broad question. Just the concept of term. Should or should Congress
be term limited? How long? I'm asking you. You're the expert. Well, no, I'm not. I'm
generally in favor of term limits. I'd rather see other kinds of changes before before.
I'd rather. I'm much more concerned about gerrymandering and the way legislatures
pick their own members, you know, by state legislatures do that.
00;40;44;08 - 00;41;10;06
Speaker 2
I think that has to change. I think we have to have a nation of independent redistricting
commissions. I think those that's far more impactful than a quick answer on term limits.
I do think we do have a problem about people who have been there for long, long periods.
I also believe that people who have been in there, sometimes I go to have great wisdom
and understanding.
00;41;10;09 - 00;41;43;07
Speaker 2
You know, we have enough problems now not being able to come together. I can't imagine
a system where nobody has any history or of the institution being. I think that would
be disaster. I'm not saying I am opposed to some rational policy of term limits, but
not to get angry at people and not to use it because you think it's dysfunctional
and this is what's going to change it all, because God knows we have a enough people
who don't know anything about governance.
00;41;43;07 - 00;41;51;20
Speaker 2
And sometimes it just takes some time to be there and to understand and keep your
mouth shut and try to learn what's going on and how to govern the country.
00;41;51;24 - 00;42;18;08
Speaker 3
So full disclosure, I used to be in support of term limits when I ran for the state
Assembly. That was during a time when term limits were a very big deal and I did support
them and then I did my three terms. No, I did two terms in the state assembly before
I went to the state Senate. And what I learned in that process was that the staff
and the special interests controlled what was happening in Sacramento.
00;42;18;15 - 00;42;54;26
Speaker 3
You know why? Because the legislators, to Allan's point, they are cycling in there,
cycling out, and they don't have that institutional knowledge. And you need to have
members and elected officials who understand the process and have that institutional
knowledge. I know there's been discussions on the Republic inside and presidential
candidates talking about wanting members of Congress to sign pledges to to implement
term limits and I don't agree with it because of my experience of what I had.
00;42;54;28 - 00;43;34;26
Speaker 3
And I think that's why we have elections. We have elections every two years, so that
if you have candidates who are not living up to the expectation of their districts,
they can be voted out. And it kind of keeps a check and balance on the elected official,
knowing that they're up every two years. But having said that, I will say the the
one benefit I think of term limits is it gives more people an opportunity to serve
because the incumbent does have a leg up when you're in office and running for reelection
and it's harder for a challenger to break in.
00;43;34;28 - 00;43;57;17
Speaker 3
So that is one of the actual positives. And I don't know, honestly, if I would have
ever been elected to the state assembly had there not been term limits because my
member was being term limited out and it was an open seat. So it's a good thing I'm
not running for office because I just did n180 on what I how I felt about term limits.
00;43;57;19 - 00;43;59;24
Speaker 2
Well, you're entitled to change.
00;43;59;24 - 00;44;01;27
Speaker 3
Your boss, right? I'm entitled to change my mind.
00;44;01;27 - 00;44;34;29
Speaker 2
Here as we're talking to you. A follow up question on term limits, however, should
there be constitutional symmetry in the treatment of term limit? One of the complaints
of people in Congress is that no one gets things done. Well, since the 22nd Amendment
is term, limited presidents every second term president, even following the most massive
landslide of Nixon in 72.
00;44;35;01 - 00;45;14;25
Speaker 2
Reagan in 1984 has been problematic. No matter who wins this time, assuming it's going
to be President Trump, we are electing a lame duck president, which, if history is
any guide and it's been a long history of it, with no exceptions. We're heading into
a difficult second term, no matter who it is, unless should we eliminate term limits
for the president if we don't have them for Congress?
00;45;14;25 - 00;45;28;24
Speaker 2
Or should we have term limits for Supreme Court justices, Congress and the president
to have constitutional symmetry? Is that one of the answers to ameliorate what ails
us.
00;45;28;27 - 00;46;08;05
Speaker 3
To use as a loaded question that I was only going to say unless the lame duck, whoever
is elected president, is lame duck. If you have a divided Congress, if you have one
party that wins outright, you're not going to have a lame duck president for at least
two years because one party will have control. So that's the only that's the only
reason I think there could be an opportunity, at least for two years minimum, if again,
if one party wins, wins everything, that the president will be successful, whomever
it is.
00;46;08;07 - 00;46;35;16
Speaker 3
Listen, I you know, I haven't given a lot of thought to what you are asking because
it's novel to me. So I haven't had a chance to think about, you know, making term
limits or doing away with term limits for the presidency. You know, I'm not sure what
the benefits are of that.
00;46;35;18 - 00;47;21;03
Speaker 2
Well, the argument is that the president unofficially, after Washington, decided not
to run for a third term, everybody until Franklin Roosevelt abided by that. But the
argument is that the fact that legally the president could run gave that president
more leverage right then than automatically knowing, despite the magic term limits.
I think I'm not a historian, but I believe term limits were a result of President
Roosevelt being elected for four terms, that it's a reaction to that they pass term
limits not because they were a national debate before then or since then on the value
of term limits.
00;47;21;03 - 00;47;32;23
Speaker 2
And so I think if you if it is important, I think we need to act and probably we don't
do enough in this country is to have a real discussion in the national. I don't think
I.
00;47;32;27 - 00;47;34;25
Speaker 3
Don't think we've had that national.
00;47;34;27 - 00;47;35;11
Speaker 2
Discussion.
00;47;35;11 - 00;47;41;19
Speaker 3
Nor do they haven't. We have not had it. And so I think it might be something worth
discussing.
00;47;41;19 - 00;48;02;26
Speaker 2
I keep saying personally, I keep believing in my priority that the biggest danger
is not term limits. I think there are problems when people stay too long. I think
that's that's true. And I think that. But on the other hand, it's nice to have some
people who understand what the institution is all about. That's good. And so it's
a complex problem.
00;48;02;29 - 00;48;36;05
Speaker 2
I think the biggest problem we have is the is that is kind of the the desire to stay
in power by drawing the districts, by by people who are elected themselves, maybe
not to that institute level, but congressional districts are drawn mostly. Fortunately,
there's been some change at different state levels. But when districts are drawn by
members of the state legislature, I think that is totally wrong.
00;48;36;05 - 00;48;56;20
Speaker 2
I think I think it's a complete conflict of interests and I think it creates the the
reason why you're talking about term limits is long term. And that's because we've
have to we've done these districts in such a way as that once you're elected you can't
lose, you can't. That's the way it is. We're going to go to questions.
00;48;56;23 - 00;49;39;29
Speaker 2
Ed Meese, historically is the person who has thought most about this constitutional
symmetry issue. Ronald Reagan's former attorney general and a benefactor of our institution
now, which audience participation, time, student questions, comments, lament whatever
you want, go for it. You can do a standing ovation if we were that. Yeah, you should
say something. Because I'm not modest. I will attribute silence.
00;49;39;29 - 00;49;43;15
Speaker 3
To where we go. We ought to take our where we go.
00;49;43;16 - 00;49;46;15
Speaker 2
I know him, so I'm not surprised.
00;49;46;17 - 00;49;48;07
Speaker 3
I thought you said you're not going to call on him.
00;49;48;08 - 00;49;52;26
Speaker 2
No, no, I will. So I was going to make a point. Great.
00;49;52;29 - 00;50;16;14
Speaker 1
I'll take a second earlier. My question to you is not only it's not the speech probably
said that I love the fact that you laugh at yourself. Know, I also wanted to point
out it just makes you a politician. And then are you stopping to sound like you're
ready to campaign? I mean.
00;50;16;16 - 00;50;17;29
Speaker 3
okay. What was the second question?
00;50;17;29 - 00;50;21;09
Speaker 1
I just when you mentioned that you just contradicted yourself.
00;50;21;11 - 00;50;23;17
Speaker 2
we're were talking about journalism.
00;50;23;19 - 00;50;23;26
Speaker 3
and.
00;50;23;26 - 00;50;25;18
Speaker 2
I know you help me out here.
00;50;25;21 - 00;50;29;21
Speaker 1
Term limits. Are you going to be elected in two years? If you want to put a capital
H.
00;50;29;21 - 00;50;37;16
Speaker 3
I know. Well, I don't I don't I don't think you should originally would would I.
00;50;37;18 - 00;50;40;06
Speaker 1
Think you should have the benefit of the fact that it happened.
00;50;40;06 - 00;50;46;24
Speaker 3
So that that was the contradiction. Exactly. That's why I'm a hypocrite. Right. In
all.
00;50;46;24 - 00;50;54;05
Speaker 1
Seriousness, it sounds like you're just running for office because that was leftover
from being in office or their aspiration.
00;50;54;07 - 00;51;10;27
Speaker 3
Well, I've been out of office. Well, I've been out of office for five years, so I
haven't had a chance to do this that much. But I am not running for office. I actually
I'm doing a lot of work that I'm very passionate about right now, which is keeping
me engaged on Capitol Hill, and I'm thrilled about that.
00;51;10;27 - 00;51;25;03
Speaker 3
And so I've sort of directed my energies into something where I think I can make a
big difference. But I love doing this kind of work and talking to students and stuff.
So maybe that's why I'm so passionate.
00;51;25;06 - 00;52;03;28
Speaker 2
I'd like to say that it was already mentioned, but that both Mimi and I are active
participants in FMC, which is the former members of Congress and former members of
Congress, has allowed Democrats and Republicans to come together and to really deal
with some of the most pressing issues that our nation before our nation. And I want
to thank FMC for at least supporting this and creating this program called Congress
to Campus.
00;52;04;00 - 00;52;06;06
Speaker 3
there's a question.
00;52;06;08 - 00;52;21;09
Unknown
I guess my name's Will, a junior, and I'm dying and wondering. You talked a lot about
this and how that frames the issues that we see and that we don't see a lot of the
stuff. We just don't.
00;52;21;11 - 00;52;25;20
Speaker 1
Know how can you guys help the American.
00;52;25;20 - 00;52;35;23
Unknown
Public see what goes on behind the scenes, even with the media, to show how quickly
reframe the issue so that we, the media, show what should be shown.
00;52;35;26 - 00;52;38;14
Speaker 1
And not just what they want to?
00;52;38;17 - 00;53;00;17
Speaker 3
Well, I think when you have controversial issues that finally both sides of the aisle
have to come together. To give you an example, the budget, the budget has to be passed.
Now, we did a continuing resolution. The budget has to be passed by the beginning
of March. You're right now seeing, you know, a lot of stuff out there about, you know,
Republicans are going to bend here, the Democrats are going to bend here.
00;53;00;20 - 00;53;28;16
Speaker 3
Speaker Johnson's going to have to he's going to have to work with the Democrats in
order to get a budget done, which, by the way, he's going to I think once that budget
does happen, and then it's incumbent upon the members who voted for the budget on
both sides of the aisle to talk about and post on, you know, social media that they
came together to do something for the American people.
00;53;28;18 - 00;53;45;22
Speaker 3
They have to sort of take the initiative, because I don't know that the media will
cover it because, I mean, the media is going to cover that, but they're not going
to cover it maybe in a good light because they need to they need to sell stories.
I mean, that's what the media has to do. So it really is the responsibility of the
members.
00;53;45;22 - 00;54;10;22
Speaker 3
And I want to just give you highlight something here when it comes to the budget.
And I know you you know this and Ellen probably knows this, but I was doing a little
research on the budget the other day, 1974, under President Nixon, the Budget Act
of 1974 was the current system we use now under that legislation for the budget.
00;54;10;25 - 00;54;41;00
Speaker 3
It has only four times since then that Congress has passed a budget on time with all
12 appropriation bills. The last time was 1997. That was 27 years ago that Congress
passed a budget on time. We've been doing the same drill with the budget every year
since 1997. I thought that was fascinating. When I when I did my research.
00;54;41;03 - 00;55;27;23
Speaker 2
The complaints about the media were not new. So most people who were in the field
of political science regard Alexis de Tocqueville as democracy in America. As one
of the greatest, many believe with good reason, is the greatest book ever written
about American politics. Even though it was published in 1831, he complained about
the media, the atmosphere, the irresponsibility, and the conclusion he came to was
actually the model that Pete Peterson, our dean, laid out is the principle of our
school.
00;55;27;25 - 00;56;10;26
Speaker 2
After complaining about the media, Tocqueville said, For all its problems, this system
is better than any other system because the best practicable solution for an open
society is an unrestrained media grounded in viewpoint diversity, even if you don't
like a lot of it. And what Tocqueville argued is all the proposals to restrict the
media constrain it for all of its liabilities, all the alternatives, Tocqueville argues,
to restrict it are even worse.
00;56;10;29 - 00;56;25;19
Speaker 2
So I'm not sure that the media, per se, is the problem. The lack of viewpoint, diversity
will always be the problem.
00;56;25;22 - 00;56;35;06
Unknown
I have a question for you on social media. Sometimes I see these posts of placed to
action to message or.
00;56;35;07 - 00;56;39;04
Speaker 3
Email or tweet to local officials to raise.
00;56;39;06 - 00;56;56;25
Unknown
Awareness about a problem which I assume you already know about the issues. And does
it is it effective for civilians to email the first tweet to say that we really want
this to happen? Is it effective?
00;56;56;28 - 00;57;27;14
Speaker 3
I can start. So to answer your question, yes, that is effective and it is helpful.
But understand that there are special interest groups who might be promoting a certain
piece of legislation that they have a very organized group of people that contact
their elected official to promote something. So sometimes it's organic, like what
you're probably talking about, but sometimes it's very orchestrated.
00;57;27;17 - 00;57;52;14
Speaker 3
And members can usually tell when somebody is doing this and their constituents are
doing this and it's organic and they can tell when it's being orchestrated by orchestrated
by or an organization. And one way they can tell that it's being orchestrated is people
say the same thing versus somebody saying, you know, somebody's going to you. It's
different, but the same message but said differently.
00;57;52;18 - 00;58;20;16
Speaker 2
I want to follow up on that for me, very similar to what Mimi just said, if I wish
if I received the same letter from everybody, it it makes less of a dent. Less. I'm
not saying it doesn't have any, but it's less If you've taken the time to write a
personal letter or a personal email and you express your feelings, I feel like I have
a responsibility to talk to you.
00;58;20;17 - 00;58;41;29
Speaker 2
Get back to you once we begin to develop that kind of relationship, you have much
more of an impact than on me, than than a mass attempt where all you're being asked
to do is to really sign your name. And I'm not saying it's not important. I'll take
it, I'll listen, I'll read it. But it doesn't really impact.
00;58;41;29 - 00;59;05;05
Speaker 2
It's not even though your name is on it, I don't believe you know, you really have
spent the time to try to contact and and that means more when you and even if it comes
from a mass group, you're asked to do it. If you write your own letter or you take,
it means much more to me.
00;59;05;07 - 00;59;45;07
Unknown
So there's been a lot of talk about that's serious, but the inside is worth talking
about. But I like that because, like your other side.
00;59;45;09 - 01;00;09;25
Speaker 3
So it depends on the district. So what you're seeing is probably from some of the
far right districts where you have a lot of Republicans, heavy Republican voter registration,
that's a safe Republican seat. Those people tend to be more conservative they're on
the further right and there's a handful of them. There's the Freedom Caucus. And so
those are the people that are going to typically say, I'm not going to do anything.
01;00;09;25 - 01;00;30;21
Speaker 3
I'm not going to do anything because their voter registration is so heavily Republican
that if they if they even swing towards the middle a little bit, they will probably
get challenged in the primary by somebody who's going to go further. Right. You have
a very small group of the conference. There's what now we have about hundred and 20
on our side.
01;00;30;21 - 01;01;00;23
Speaker 3
Now we're to 21. We were losing some. But you have how many members of the Freedom
Caucus now? About 40. Maybe. Maybe 40 out of it. You know, that's a small group of
people when you're talking about the whole conference now, there's always going to
be those people on the far right. The challenge the Republicans have is that their
majority is so slim that they can't afford to lose votes.
01;01;00;26 - 01;01;21;11
Speaker 3
So those 40 over here carry a lot of power right now. When I was a member, we had
like 230 Republicans. A member takes only 218 to pass a vote to pass the bill. And
so we had a lot more room to let some of those guys on the far right say what they
want to say, say do what you want to do.
01;01;21;11 - 01;01;33;20
Speaker 3
But we still got stuff done. So it really depends on what the makeup is of the conference
and it depends on the makeup of the individual in their district.
01;01;33;22 - 01;01;57;17
Speaker 2
But, you know, as a Democrat, I can just tell you not that Democrats don't do this
also, but and you may not like this everybody, but I think on a visceral reaction
that has been exacerbated by President Trump, I agree. I think President Trump has
defined his relationships that you're with me all the time or you're the enemy.
01;01;57;19 - 01;02;00;16
Speaker 2
I don't think that's very healthy. You know.
01;02;00;18 - 01;02;03;18
Speaker 3
I agree with Alan on that. By the way.
01;02;03;20 - 01;02;20;14
Speaker 2
Did someone in the. Yes. Excuse me, could you even stand up so we can hear you?
01;02;20;17 - 01;02;36;15
Unknown
And I want to say. Sure. First of all, I think it's pretty good and also smart to
stay out of trouble.
01;02;36;17 - 01;02;37;11
Speaker 2
Can you repeat.
01;02;37;11 - 01;03;01;04
Speaker 3
That? Yeah. How do you manage to stay ethical like and but you have to see if I got
this right. You have to go. You know, you've got your your people are supporting you.
You've got your your constituents, you've got your staff, you've got like how do you
balance all they could be competing interests, right? Like, but how do you make sure
that, you know, you're balancing it and I'll start on it.
01;03;01;08 - 01;03;17;14
Speaker 3
You can't please everybody and you have to be able to be firm and you have to do what's
right. I mean, the last thing first of all, members of Congress, all they want to
do is get reelected unless like Alan and they decide, I've been here long enough,
I want to retire. Most of the time they want to get reelected.
01;03;17;17 - 01;03;43;20
Speaker 3
So they need to be careful. They don't want to get their themselves in trouble and
end up in jail. That's not going to be good. So they got to be careful. But you also
have to be able to stand up to some of the like you call them investors, some of your
supporters. Like I remember one of the hardest things for me to do was when I was
usually with somebody on a piece of legislation and then for some reason I couldn't
be with them anymore.
01;03;43;20 - 01;04;04;25
Speaker 3
I couldn't support them. I had a chief of staff when I was in the state legislature
and she had this chicken bobblehead and she would threaten to put that chicken bobblehead
on my desk if I didn't call somebody. I didn't want to call to tell them I couldn't
be with them on a certain piece of legislation because I was always with them, but
I couldn't be with them on this.
01;04;05;00 - 01;04;25;26
Speaker 3
And those aren't easy calls. But you had people elect you because they believe in
what you said to them. They believe in what your message is, that they believe in
you and nobody's ever going to be perfect but you. But you don't want to mislead people
because the worst thing you could do is say, I am with you and then turn around and
go vote against them.
01;04;25;29 - 01;04;44;11
Speaker 3
That is the worst thing. You're better off telling them upfront I can't be with you.
So why don't you go find your vote from somebody else? Because I can't be that person.
They're going to respect you a lot more. And that's something that I think is very
important. If any of you ever want to run for office, I highly recommend you let people
know where you stand.
01;04;44;13 - 01;05;08;11
Speaker 2
I agree. I can just share with you. When I was the state legislature, I was sharing
this the Senate Committee on Transportation and that we were the committee. It came
through my committee. Shall we stop? Okay. Now it just the high speed rail we put
out on the ballot. The high speed rail came through Senate transportation. I supported
that.
01;05;08;14 - 01;05;32;08
Speaker 2
But the more I watched it being implemented, the more I watched the decisions that
the high speed rail authority was making. We held hearings. I began to question that.
I began to think that they were not really fiscally responsible to the people of California.
This was not they were choosing the wrong. They were making decisions based upon personal
interests, etc., etc..
01;05;32;10 - 01;06;08;25
Speaker 2
So I decided the last year when I came up, when I just before I left the state Senate,
before I had already run for Congress, I started the process of running for Congress.
I decided I could not could no longer support the financial plan of the high speed
rail. Well, some of the people, especially in Washington, called me Democrats and
said, You can't do that to President Biden.
01;06;09;00 - 01;06;35;05
Speaker 2
That was in 2012, needs this for his reelection. And sometimes and I'm sure I'm not
always ethical, but sometimes you make a decision and you really know that you've
got to stick with it because it's the right thing to do for you. Maybe other people,
it's not. And it's a very painful and difficult decision to do. And you're not always
sure you're right on.
01;06;35;08 - 01;07;01;22
Speaker 2
And so that happened. I lost some support in Washington when I was running because
I violated the party, wanted it badly. I love the party, but I could not support that
plan. I just couldn't do it and I couldn't vote for it. And you have to be able to
deal with the consequences. And there are consequences when you do that.
01;07;01;25 - 01;07;09;03
Speaker 2
Well, I want to thank everybody for very intelligent questions, the congressman for
his excellent presentation.
01;07;09;06 - 01;07;13;04
Unknown
Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you very.
01;07;13;06 - 01;07;17;19
Speaker 2
Much. Goodbye. That's all. Thank you.